My Relationship with Time and Its Effect on Happiness

My Relationship with Time and Its Effect on Happiness The question about my relationship to time and happiness, I feel totally confused. On the one hand, I agree that those who wake up early have a possibility to complete more things; however, on the other hand, those people who likes to go to bed later and to sleep more in the morning they just cannot be happy waking up in the early morning.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on My Relationship with Time and Its Effect on Happiness specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Our lives consist of the present moments and chances that we should use. But, isn’t it the same if one gets up early, but goes to sleep also early and one sleeps in the morning but awake until the midnight or late? Both persons are able to accomplish the same range of things, being in a good mood and have a lot of energy. It is obvious that all people are different when it goes about the biological and diurnal rhythm. Therefore, I think that one can be happy , satisfied and full of energy only in case if one lives according to one’s rhythm. Eventually, I think that it is necessary to use time correctly, to sleep well and to work in the most productive hours. In the article â€Å"Be Happier: Wake Up Earlier† Rubin says, â€Å"if I want to feel happy, calm, energetic, and mentally sharp, I must get enough sleep† (Rubin, â€Å"Be Happier: Wake Up Earlier†). Obviously, such statement is absolutely correct. However, I disagree with author when he talks about the advantage to get up early. Rubin says that he gets up at 6 am would like to do it at 5 am. I can conclude that his job includes the early working hours; therefore he can back home early and sleep. Such schedule is absolutely unacceptable for those who have the night shifts or works after lessons. Moreover, students usually spend more time studying and working even in case if they have to go to university in the morning. And it is wrong to insist that such schedule makes them unhappy. It is just the circumstances that require the particular rhythm. Also, Rubin asserts that to think about time is â€Å"one of the great challenges of a happiness project† (â€Å"Be Happier: Wake Up Earlier†). For Rubin, time is a master who can dictate the regulations. As for me, time is a worker that should be used in the most appropriate, adequate and effective way. Obviously, Rubin is right saying that the structure of our day reflects our interests, physical characteristics, temp of life and a field of activity. He emphasizes an importance of changing of a shift in order to make a day different. Eventually he concludes that only that schedule is right which is good for a particular person. In this position, I totally agree with Rubin. Sometimes it can be helpful to change day-schedule and rhythm. However, it is important to make sure that such change is good for one’s health and ability to work or study. For me, it is always hard to get up early. Although I have to study starting from the morning to accomplish a lot of work, I cannot compel myself to get up earlier and immediately. After all, it is the best moment when I can lie in a bed and think about all good moments that a new day will provide. However, it is better to get up fast and to prepare myself to university.Advertising Looking for essay on rhetoric? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Hodgkinson say that from the early childhood parent starts a brainwashing process commanding children to get out from bed (2007, p. 2). On the one hand, such methods are helpful and teach children do not waste time. However, on the other hand, it can be bad for health if one needs to neglect one’s biological rhythm. Nevertheless, in case of pupils, parents do it right. Or how else they can convince their children do not be idle? Everyone should understand a real value of every second. Perhaps, s uch statement sounds pathosly, it is absolutely true. A successful person knows how to allocate one’s time and how to use it in the most effective way. Obviously, it is impossible to be happy staying in a bed and simply being idle. Form my personal experience, I know that it is absolutely possible to change the rhythm according to my needs and working schedule. Although it may be complicated at the beginning, however, the eventual result is worth to subject one’s body to be under such pressure. Hodgkinson discusses about the historical attitude of people to sleep and idleness. Concluding that naturally people always behave in the same way, being lazy and idle, he suggest a great method for those who can hardly wake up early (2007, p. 4). He says that one should prepare a cup of coffee and set the alarm half an hour before one has to get up. When alarm triggers, one drinks coffee and goes to sleep again. After half an hour one will be awake due to the work of caffeine. I think that everyone should take this method into account. Obviously, not all of us can plane daily schedule according to the biological rhythm. Therefore, it is necessary to train body and mind to work in the concrete time needed for the work or study. Looking at the human life time, I agree with all statements that our life is worth to use every second with mind. Happy person is not the one who stays in bed all day long without any reason. Many times I heard how people complain about a lack of time. The cause of such situation is an idleness and unwillingness to get out from bed fast. However, it is also highly important to take into consideration that every person has one’s own biological rhythm that implies the most effective working hours. In case if one needs to work early or vice verse at night hours, it is possible to use some methods in order to train one’s body and mind. Evidentially, happiness is a deep essence that cannot be conditional by time only. Howev er, the discussion about happiness always involves the reflections about time. Every century dictates its rules and the distinctive feature of our century is a high speed of life. This situation should motivate everyone who wants to achieve the results and develop one’s life. Therefore, if one wants to be in time, it is necessary to use this time accordingly. Obviously, the correct and appropriate use of time is an important issue that can help everyone to be in a good mood, full of energy and ready to work hard in order to achieve the outstanding results, to be successful and respected person.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on My Relationship with Time and Its Effect on Happiness specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Reference List Hodgkinson, T. (2007). How to be Idle: A Loafer’s Manifesto. US: HarperCollins. Rubin, G. (n.d.). Be Happier: Wake Up Earlier. Retrieved from https://psychcentral.com/

Grandfather Clauses and Their Impact on Voting Rights

Grandfather Clauses and Their Impact on Voting Rights Grandfather clauses were statutes that seven Southern states implemented in the 1890s and early 1900s to prevent African Americans from voting. The statutes allowed any person who had been granted the right to vote before 1867 to continue voting without needing to take literacy tests, own property, or pay poll taxes. The name â€Å"grandfather clause† comes from the fact that the statute also applied to the descendants of anyone who had been granted the right to vote before 1867. Since most African Americans were enslaved prior to the 1860s and did not have the right to vote, grandfather clauses prevented them from voting even after they had won their freedom from slavery. How the Grandfather Clause Disenfranchised Voters The 15th Amendment of the Constitution was ratified on February 3, 1870. This amendment stated that the â€Å"right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.† In theory, this amendment gave African Americans the right to vote. However, black Americans had the right to vote in theory only. The Grandfather clause stripped them of their right to vote by requiring them to pay taxes, take literacy tests or constitutional quizzes, and overcome other barriers simply to cast a ballot. White Americans, on the other hand, could vote get around these requirements if they or their relatives had already had the right to vote prior to 1867- in other words, they were grandfathered in by the clause. Southern states such as Louisiana, the first to institute the statutes, enacted grandfather clauses even though they knew these statutes violated the U.S. Constitution, so they put a time limit on them in hopes that they could register white voters and disenfranchise black voters before the courts overturned the laws. Lawsuits can take years, and Southern lawmakers knew that most African Americans could not afford to file lawsuits related to grandfather clauses. Grandfather clauses weren’t just about racism. They were also about limiting the political power of African Americans, most of whom were loyal Republicans because of Abraham Lincoln. Most Southerners at the time were Democrats, later known as Dixiecrats, who had opposed Lincoln and the abolition of slavery. But grandfather clauses weren’t limited to Southern states and didn’t just target Black Americans. Northeast states like Massachusetts and Connecticut required voters to take literacy tests because they wanted to keep immigrants in the region from voting, since these newcomers tended to back Democrats during a time when the Northeast leaned Republican. Some of the South’s grandfather clauses may have even been based on a Massachusetts statute. The Supreme Court Weighs In: Guinn v. United States Thanks to the NAACP, the civil rights group established in 1909, Oklahomas grandfather clause faced a challenge in court. The organization urged a lawyer to fight the state’s grandfather clause, implemented in 1910. Oklahoma’s grandfather clause stated the following: â€Å"No person shall be registered as an elector of this state or be allowed to vote in any election held herein, unless he be able to read and write any section of the Constitution of the state of Oklahoma; but no person who was, on January 1, 1866, or any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under any form of government, or who at that time resided in some foreign nation, and no lineal descendant of such person, shall be denied the right to register and vote because of his inability to so read and write sections of such Constitution.† The clause gave white voters an unfair advantage, since the grandfathers of black voters had been enslaved prior to 1866 and were, thus, barred from voting. Moreover, enslaved African Americans were typically forbidden to read, and illiteracy remained a problem (both in the white and black communities) well after slavery was abolished. The U.S. Supreme Court decided unanimously in the 1915 case Guinn v. United States that grandfather clauses in Oklahoma and Maryland violated the constitutional rights of African Americans. That’s because the 15th Amendment declared that U.S. citizens should have equal voting rights. The Supreme Court’s ruling meant that grandfather clauses in states such as Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, and Virginia were also overturned. Despite the high court’s finding that grandfather clauses were unconstitutional, Oklahoma and other states continued to pass laws that made it impossible for African Americans to vote. The Oklahoma Legislature, for example, responded to the Supreme Court ruling by passing a new law that automatically registered the voters who’d been on the rolls when the grandfather clause was in effect. Anyone else, on the other hand, had only between April 30 and May 11, 1916, to sign up to vote or they would lose their voting rights forever. That Oklahoma law remained in effect until 1939 when the Supreme Court overturned it in Lane v. Wilson, finding that it infringed on the rights of voters outlined in the Constitution. Still, black voters throughout the South faced huge barriers when they tried to vote. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 Even if African Americans managed to pass a literacy test, pay a poll tax, or complete other hurdles, they could be punished for voting in other ways. After slavery, large numbers of blacks in the South worked for white farm owners as tenant farmers or sharecroppers in exchange for a small cut of the profits from the crops grown. They also tended to live on the land they farmed, so voting as a sharecropper could mean not only losing one’s job but also being forced out of one’s home if the landowner opposed black suffrage. In addition to potentially losing their employment and housing if they voted, African Americans who engaged in this civic duty could find themselves targets of white supremacist groups like the Ku Klux Klan. These groups terrorized black communities with night rides during which they would burn crosses on lawns, set homes alight, or force their way into black households to intimidate, brutalize, or lynch their targets. But courageous blacks exercised their right to vote, even if meant losing everything, including their lives. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 eliminated many of the barriers that black voters in the South encountered, such as poll taxes and literacy tests. The act also led to the federal government overseeing voter registration. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 is credited with finally making the 15th Amendment a reality. Sources â€Å"Along the Color Line: Political,†Ã‚  The Crisis, volume 1, n. 1, November 11, 1910.Brenc, Willie. The Grandfather Clause (1898-1915). BlackPast.org. Greenblatt, Alan. â€Å"The Racial History Of The ‘Grandfather Clause.’† NPR 22 October, 2013.Keyssar, Alexander. The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States. Basic Books, 2009. United States; Killian, Johnny H.; Costello, George; Thomas, Kenneth R. The Constitution of the United States of America:  Analysis and Interpretation : Analysis of Cases Decided by the Supreme Court of the United States to June 28, 2002. Government Printing Office, 2004.

Entry Strategy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

Entry Strategy - Essay Example The economic and political factors are inter-related and it becomes difficult to identify only the economic or only the political factors separately (Altinay, 2005). The micro-environment is the internal environment which comprises of the corporate goals and objectives, the corporate strengths and weaknesses and the service factors. In addition to these, the location is equally important (Ekeledo & Sivakumar, 1998). Zhao and Decker (2004) contend that size of the firm, the technology transfer if required, the cultural distance, the market size, risks and uncertainties, sectoral barriers, and the international experience also influence the entry strategy. Taking these factors into account, the market entry strategy for ABC in India and Ireland would be recommended.   While market entry is generally through exports, licensing, joint venture or opening of wholly owned subsidiaries, in the hospitality sector the mode of entry is different. In this sector direct ownership or any form of equity partnership is not preferred in countries with high economic or political risks, and of the level of economic development is low (Altinay, 2005). If the risks are high entry modes with low resource commitment is preferred. Franchising and management contracts are the most preferred modes of entry in the hotel sector in international expansion. In both these formats capital-intensive assets and knowledge-based assets can be separated.  Service firms may enter foreign markets using a variety of modes but control is the most vital factor.

St. Catherine of Sienna Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

St. Catherine of Sienna - Essay Example Catherine was the youngest of the 25 children of Giacomo and Lapa. While Catherine was growing up, she suddenly had a vision while she was walking home with her brother from a visit to the home of her married sister. Catherine saw in the sky a vision of Jesus Christ seated with the apostles Peter, Paul ,and John. After having experienced this vision, Catherine decided to devout her life to prayer and solitude. Her father, Giacomo, took notice of the child’s love for prayer and gave her a special room in their house where she could spend time for meditation and prayer. By the time that she was twelve, her mother kept reminding her to pay attention to her appearance so that she would be able to attract the right man to be her husband. At first, Catherine obeyed but declared later on that she would not marry. In spite of her family’s attempts to convince Catherine to change her mind, her father finally gave up and allowed his child to continue devoting herself to prayer, m editation and fasting. At the age of 18, Catherine was allowed to wear the black habit of a Dominican tertiary. She did not speak to many people except to her confessor and the only place she visited was the nearby church of St. Dominic. It was only after her last vision of Christ that Catherine went out of her room and began to mingle with the people around her. As a Dominican tertiary, she helped the sick and started to attract a good number of followers.

National campaigns Essay Example for Free

National campaigns Essay Walker Crisps control the largest part of the crisps market in the United Kingdom, but lost significant market share three years ago when consumers began turning to other forms of snack. Furthermore, as the populace is made increasingly aware of the poor nutrition of some snack foods, the high salt content, and high fat content, they appear to be turning away from brands perceived as less healthy. Unfortunately, despite a revamping of products in 2006, most crisps products are viewed as less healthy and nutritious than alternatives such as cereal bars. National campaigns designed to improve the quality of school lunches were effective at turning parents away from crisps as a lunchbox staple and adult health campaign have lead people to consider other snack options including fruits, nuts, yogurt and cereal bars. In addition, there is some indication that a declining birth rate has also negatively impacted demand for crisps as they tend to be most popular among the males in their teens and early twenties. Older and more affluent snackers choose other options including specialty, private label crisps, corn-based snacks and gourmet crisps with exotic flavors. It also seems clear from evidenced reported by Mintel analysis of the snack food market that there are some areas in which crisps cannot compete, as some consumers, particularly women seem attached to chocolate and sweet biscuits as a preferred indulgent snack. And, there is a marketing nightmare brewing. While crisps must shed their image as fatty, over-salted snacks with no nutritional value if they are to maintain their market share in a health-conscious environment, evidence suggests that men in particular do not want to eat something labeled as â€Å"diet† or â€Å"healthy†. The key appears to be a serious media campaign to change the way people think about crisps. Evidence suggestions that the three trends most likely to impact the crisps market are: a desire to purchase healthier snacks, a desire for classier snacks, and a desire to eliminate snacking in general. The Move toward Healthier Snacks The evidence is clear that the trend in snacking is to find healthier alternatives. Walker crisps was able to regain some of its lost market share in 2006 with the introduction and promotion of healthier, â€Å"baked† varieties, but still faces an uphill battle. In a recent poll, nearly half of the consumers questioned said they would be willing to spend more to be able to buy foods that were free from chemical additives (Mintel, 2007). Since many so-called â€Å"diet† foods are laden with chemicals ranging from preservatives to artificial sweeteners, this may be a market niche that Walkers could exploit with an all-natural crisp. However, it will take a serious marketing campaign to educate consumers about the â€Å"dangers’ hidden in other snack foods. Mintel’s analysis of Walkers marketing expenditures over the last three years has indicated that they have begun to see the value of print advertising that explains the benefits of their newer, â€Å"healthier† product lines. However, it seems likely that Walkers will have to consider a new multimedia advertising campaign that redirects the way people think about crisps. A strict marketing campaign that shows crisp consumption as part of a healthy diet could also help the company retain market share. Currently, consumers are increasingly turning to other snack options in the belief that they are healthier than crisps. It might be advantageous to do a head to head comparison between crisps and several other snacks demonstrating the relative fat content, calories and other nutritional information. For example, the Mintel study showed that 23 percent of consumers snack on cereal bars, often in the belief that they are a healthy sack. However, reading a product label makes it clear that the average cereal bar has as many calories and carbohydrates as a bag of baked crisps. Walkers also needs to continue with current advertising campaigns which explain the change in oils used to create the crisps and the reduction in salt. All of these combined attacks on accepted nutritional ideas can help to recreate crisps in the minds of the consumer. Furthermore, Mintel analysis shows that consumers are less likely to buy branded products or healthy products when buying for use in entertaining. As part of their overall health campaign, Walkers might want to consider an advertising campaign similar to the ones used by American beer companies. â€Å"Friends don’t let friends drink bad beer† could become something along the lines of â€Å"Show your friends you have great taste, buy walker crisps. † Though the concept is a bit loose, it could be refined and would likely results in increased sales for Walkers. The Move to Classier Snacks Another interesting trend within snack food is the move toward hand-cooked or gourmet crisps. These premium brands tend to be smaller manufacturers instead of multinational corporations like Walkers, which is a division of PepsiCo. These brands are gaining in popularity among more affluent, educated consumers. They have shown a preference for exotic flavors like â€Å"Thai sweet chili† and sea salt and malt vinegar instead of the standard crisps (Mintel, 2007). To that end, it is in the best interest of Walkers to continue to expand their line of premium crisps and to develop new flavors that are likely to appeal to consumers. Within this market, it is also important to appeal to the health conscious consumer, so any effort that can be made to create these new flavors using infused oils and natural spices instead of something cooked up with chemicals is a plus (Mintel, 2007). These consumers are more educated and therefore more likely to be well-informed about the products that they are putting into their bodies. These consumers are in many ways the perfect target for an educational advertising campaign which asks why they are depriving themselves of the textures and flavors they love just so that they can eat a cereal bar that tastes like cardboard. This is also a good market to explore because this demographic is less concerned about the price and more concerned about giving themselves a special treat. Often, hey view everything they eat, drink and wear as a form of status symbol and Walkers would do well to establish their premiums brands within this niche. An advertising campaign that reminds consumers that doing something nice for themselves should also taste good would play well to this demographic. The Move Away from Snacking As part of a health-consciousness campaign, citizens of the United Kingdom are being taught that snacking between meals is leading to the Britain’s obesity problem and should be cut out (Mintel, 2007). According to the Mintel poll, fewer people every year admit to eating between meals. While this may be a factor of people not admitting to themselves what their true behavior patterns are, it can mean that they are not planning ahead for snacking and not purchasing traditional snack foods like crisps. One of the best ways to deal with this would be another form of reeducation for the populace. Though dietary requirements are in an ever-changing state of flux as science learns more and more about how the body works, many diets argue that five or six small meals a day maintain blood sugar levels better than the traditional three meals a day. So, even if the addition is simply mid-morning and afternoon tea, Walkers and other snack providers need to change the way the United Kingdom thinks about snacks. Again, the goal is not to have crisps replace full meals like breakfast, but crisps with tea might be a marketing ploy that Walkers could successfully market especially in terms of their premium, exotic brands. Acknowledging that they are competing with scones and sweet biscuits and everything else for every moment the consumer chooses a snack is imperative to Walkers efforts to maintain their market share. Conclusions The simple truth is that snack foods are facing an increased amount of competition every day with more and more companies looking for alternatives to the standard potato crisp. Therefore, companies which rely on crisps as a major segment of their brand identity must find new ways to market and appeal to consumers. Since we have established that current buying behavior seems to be based on perceived nutritional value, perceived class and the perception that snacking makes you fat, an aggressive marketing campaign designed to challenge these notions and change them is necessary. Walks must change the perception of crisps as an unhealthy waste of calories and a blase snack. They must jazz it up and create a desire for people to incorporate crisps into their daily diet. Otherwise, they will continue to watch their market share slip away. WORKS CITED â€Å"Crisps and Snacks†, Mintel Reports, May, 2007.

Essay --

Animal testing is a very controversial topic, especially among animal rights activists. Unsually, animal testing is used to test pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and many other products that humans use in their everyday life. Scientists use animals in medical research more as a matter of tradition, as opposed to the fact that testing on animals has proved to fail time after time again. Animal testing has proved to be less accurate and unsuccessful in comparison to other means of testing and experimentation. There is a growing awareness to the limitations of animal research and its inability to be a reliable source of predictions about human health. Reasons on why and how animal research is wrong, and unpredictable are endless, animal studies do not predict human outcome, nine out of ten drugs that appear to be promising in animal research later goes on to fail in human trials, as well animal studies are flawed by design and lacks regulation. Many scientists have come to the conclusion t hat animal testing is very outdated, and should be starting to consider modern ways of testing. They believe that our generation should be looking to the future and creating computer programs, this has many benefits; such as not having to wait as long for a result, and is much more cost effective. Animal studies do not predict human outcome for many reasons. There are obvious and subtle differences between humans and animals, whether it is appearance, the way the body operates, anatomy, and even mental differences. The two species are on completely different end of the spectrum in comparison to how the body works. Taking a healthy animal, artificially inseminating an illness that most animals would never normally get, keeping it in an unnatural and st... ...nimal testing. There are laws which give a simple guide line, but they are so general and broad that they can easily be worked around. Any experiment performed on rodents, reptiles, birds, or fish are not required by law to be reported, this means that it is even more likely for these experiments to involve unnecessary cruelty. Many of the animals used for lab testing are the dogs and cats that many of us keep as pets, and the same ones who eventually love us unconditionally, even sometimes more than they love their selves. Animal testing should be banned for no other reason than the fact that few of us would never volunteer our cats, dogs, or any other pet to a life as a lab subject . It has been proved that there are different more effective ways of testing whether or not a product can be safely used for the use of human consumption without using animals.

Global Crossing Management

Global Crossing Management 1 Global Crossing Management Mary Adams MGT/330 April 6, 2010 Global Crossing Management 2 Global Crossing Management Global Crossing was founded in 1997 by Gary Winnick. They reported $3. 8 billion in revenue and $1. 9 billion in losses in 2000. Global Crossing is a leading global IP solutions provider. Global Crossing has developed the world’s first integrated global IP-based network, according to the About Global Crossing article (2010). The management of Global Crossing began the company by using all four functions of management. The planning function of management was the beginning of turning an idea into a success. According to University of Phoenix Week Two reading Planning and Strategic Management (2010), â€Å"Planning is the conscious, systematic process of making decisions about goals and activities that an individual, group, work unit, or organization will pursue in the future. † There are six steps in the planning process that Global Crossing had to use in order to plan for the company’s future. The first step in the planning process is a situational analysis. A ituation analysis is when past events are studied, current conditions are examined, and future trends are forecasted. The second step in the planning process is developing alternative goals and plans. Goals should be specific, measurable, attainable, relevant, and time-bound. The third step in the planning process is evaluating goals and plans. Management should evaluate the effects of Global Crossing Management 3 the goals and plans, prioritize goals, and consider implications. The fourth step in the planning process is selecting the goals and plans that are the most appropriate. This will lead to a written set of goals and plans. The fifth step in the planning process is implementing the plans. Implementing the plan requires all managers and employees to understand the plan and to be motivated to implement the plan. The sixth step in the planning process is monitoring and controlling. Monitoring and controlling is necessary in determining if the plan is successful. According to About Global Crossing (2010), some of the Global Crossing management’s plans were to provide telecommunications, deliver services globally, and employ a team of dedicated rofessionals. Many different factors influence Global Crossing’s strategic, tactical, operational, and contingency planning. Some of those factors are Global Crossing’s management’s strengths and weaknesses. A strong management can work well together to develop strategic, tactical, operational, and contingency plans. However, if the management team is weak, the strategic, tactical, operati onal, and contingency plans may also be weak. The economy is another factor that can influence Global Crossing’s strategic, tactical, operational, and contingency planning. The plans may need to be different when the economy is good than when the economy is bad. Global Crossing Management 4 Scandals within the company is a factor that can influence strategic, tactical, operational, and contingency planning at Global Crossing. Scandals can affect trust between employees and managers as well as affect the trust that the consumers have in the company. Global Crossing has had some scandals that have influenced management planning. These scandals have brought about legal issues, ethic issues, and corporate social responsibility ssues for Global Crossing and the future of Global Crossing. Ackman (2002) stated that Global Crossing faced issues in 2002 when the company went bankrupt. Ackman (2002) also stated that Global Crossing and Gary Winnick were charged with â€Å"dishonest accounting, fraudulent swapping of assets and liabilities, and the enrichment of top executives† even though other employees lost millions. Greed seemed to be the downfall of Gl obal Crossing. Global Crossing faced ethics issues when it was discovered that Gary Winnick and former CEO, Leo Hindery, Jr. ere involved with insider trading. Another ethics issue with Global Crossing was capacity swapping. The new management team at Global Crossing see ethics as an important part of the company and the planning process. Ethics influence management planning at Global Crossing because it plays an important part in the planning process. When planning, Global Crossing’s management planned a code of ethics and business Global Crossing Management 5 conduct plan. According to Code of Ethics and Business Conduct (n. d. ), management at Global Crossing make sure that all employees review and agree with the Code of Ethics. If employees do not comply with the Code of Ethics, they will be subject to discipline and could even be terminated. At the same time that Global Crossing was facing ethic issues within the company, they were also facing legal issues. Insider trading and capacity swapping were both illegal. Gary Winnick, Leo Hindery, Jr. , and many others faced legal charges for their illegal activities. The new management team planned the Code of Ethics and Business Conduct plan to make sure the ompany does not get involved with any illegal activities again. Corporate social responsibility is an important part of Global Crossing and the management planning process. John Legere, CEO of Global Crossing, and management and employees of Global Crossing have developed many different programs that show corporate social responsibility in their planning. It is stated in Corporate Social Responsibility (2009) that Global Caring i s a worldwide program that developed an Employee Community Day. Each employee is granted one extra day off to pursue a charitable contribution to their community. MATHNext is an education program that Global Crossing has helped by providing technology, Global Crossing Management 6 donating laptop computers, and providing videoconferencing and web-based seminars. Global Crossing also participates in Going Green. Global Crossing is a company that has faced a downfall and with a new management team, has rebuilt itself. Many different factors can influence management planning. Issues such as legal issues, ethics, and corporate social responsibility can influence management planning. These factors and issues can make a company a failure with a poor management team. The same factors and issues can also make a company a success with a strong management team. Global Crossing has been turned from a failure to a success with a strong management team and proper planning. Global Crossing Management 7 References About Global Crossing. (2010). Global Crossing. Retrieved April 25, 2010, from http://www. globalcrossing. com/company/company_landing. aspx Ackman, D. (2002). House committees to investigate Global Crossing. Forbes. com. Retrieved April 25, 2010, from http://www. forbes. com/2002/03/13/0313topnews. html Code of Ethics and Business Conduct. (n. d. ). Global Crossing. Retrieved April 26, 2010, from http://www. globalcrossing. com/docs/Ethics/GlobalCrossingCodeofConductPolicy_eng. pdf Corporate Social Responsibility. (2009). Global Crossing. Retrieved April 26, 2010, from http://www. globalcrossing. com/company/company_global_caring. aspx University of Phoenix. (2010). Planning and Strategic Management. Retrieved April 22, 2010, from University of Phoenix, Week Two reading, aXcess, MGT330-Management: Theory, Practice and Application Course Web site.

Freund

Creating Deviance Rules: A Macroscopic Model Author(s): Ronald J. Troyer and Gerald E. Markle Source: The Sociological Quarterly, Vol. 23, No. 2 (Spring, 1982), pp. 157-169 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Midwest Sociological Society Stable URL: http://www. jstor. org/stable/4106327 Accessed: 16/11/2009 09:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www. jstor. org/page/info/about/policies/terms. jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www. jstor. org/action/showPublisher? publisherCode=black. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email  protected] org. Blackwell Publishing and Midwest Sociological Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Sociological Quarterly. http://www. jstor. org The SociologicalQuarterly (Spring1982):157-169 23 Deviance Rules: Creating A Macroscopic Model* RonaldJ. Troyer,Drake University GeraldE. Markle,Western MichiganUniversity In this paperwe proposea macrolevel the modelfor analyzing creationof deviance rules. We begin by placingthe phenomenon withinthe contextof the social factist and social definitionist the sociological traditions, identifying insightsand difficulties the socialproblems We rule creation. sugliterature for deviance presents explaining difficulties be resolvedby lacingthe processwithina can gest that the theoretical The consequent dialecticalmodel of deviance framework. sociologyof knowledge is that society is composedof a numberof designation based on the assumption in of definitions deviance generalinterests varying degreesof conflictwithprevailing outcomes previous of This balanceor accommodation contests. becomes representing vulnerable with the introduction increasein strainwhich is a potentialresource or for inte rest a The groupsdesiring new definition. utcomeof the ensuingconflictis seen as dependent the abilityof the combatants employresources the battle. in on to We concludeby identifying advantages model has for studying deviance the the the rulecreation process. of This is how I treat theory: it is somethingto guide our understanding the social world; it helps us throughthe labyrinthof the buzzingconfusion of conflictingideologies, and, most of all, theory liberatesus from dead facts and worn-out myths. Davis 1980:xv) But since those sociologistswho espouse a strong and explicit determinism,and those who practice the techniquesof â€Å"verstehen,† â€Å"empathy,†and â€Å"takingthe actor'spoint of view,† differ upon so very many issues, technical and otherwise, the present suggestions are more likely to be treated as a pollution of the boundarybetween schools of thought than as a pathway to agreement. (Barnes, 1974:83-84) For decades the sociology of deviance focus ed on rule violation. This approach produced works on rule violators, described which rules were violated and how they were violated, and, arguably, why they were violated. Largely neglected in this work was the process by which rules were created; that is, the process by which deviant categories and designations were constructed. Recently scholars have begun to focus attention on this issue, resulting in various empirical case studies or rationales for the import of the collective definition process (Nuehring and Markle, 1974; Conrad, 1975; Pfohl, 1977; Spector and Kitsuse, 1977; Levine, 1978; Schneider, 1978; Markle and Troyer, 1979; Conrad and Schneider, 1980. As with many deviance studies, these efforts have not produced an explicit framework relating rule creation to the broader theoretical conceptions of social processes and the structural order. As a remedy, ? 1982 by The Sociological Quarterly. All rights reserved. 0038-0253/82/1300-0157$00. 75 *The authors thank Roland Chilton, Ronald Kramer, Frances McCrea, Joseph W. Schneider, Malcolm Spector, and Mayer Zald for their helpful comments. Ronald J. Troyer's address is Department of Sociology, Dr ake University, Des Moines, Iowa 50311. 158 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY Collins has called for a radicaldeparture deviancestudies,statfrom traditional ing that â€Å"thenext step clearlymustbe to abolishthe field of devianceentirely,to and link its materialswith what is knownof generalexplanations stratification of politics† (1975:17). And Davis (1980:5) has observedthat the time has come â€Å"for the sociology of deviance to move into mainstreamtheory–based sociology. † What theoreticalform ought these investigations take? The developments in sociologicaltheoryin the past few decadeshave been focusedaroundtwo dominant perspectives. The nature of these approachescan best be graspedby referringto Ritzer's (1975) distinctionbetween the social factist and social definitionist paradigms. The social factist is primarilyconcernedwith the cause of social phenomena; thus the questionasked is a why question. By contrast,since the social definitionist more concernedwith process,the researchquestionis a is how question. In studyingdeviance,for example,the social factistshave focused on behaviordescribing extent and natureasking†Whydo thesepeople do it? † its focusedon the process On the otherhand, the social definitionists have primarily Howhavethesepersons as asking by whichpeoplecometo be defined deviant the label? † acquired deviant have and Webelieve the theoretical of that efforts thefactists thedefinitionists been useful. Such work, though clearly the creationand social constructionof of scholars,is necessaryif the study of rule creationis to lead to generalizations wider applicability. Towardthat e nd, we reviewsome relevantliterature, develop creation a sociologyof knowledgeframework, then presenta macrodeviance and model which attemptsto bridge the gap between the factist and definitionist erspectives. Literature between PerhapsArmandMauss has best capturedthe essence of the difference the two majortraditionalapproachesto social problemstheory. The essence of the scholarlydisagreement, noted, came down to one grouparguingthat â€Å"sohe cial problems are ‘objective'realities which generate collective behavior and political action†versus the view that â€Å"socialproblemsare essentiallygenerated by collectivebehaviorand politicalprocesses†(1977:602, emphasisin original). The former closely approximatesthe social factist approach,while the latter the represents social definitionist position. Social factist scholarshave tended to explain social problemsas the product of some environmentally condition. This tradition, disharmonious usuallytermed the strain explanation,has often focused on economic conditions (Oberschall, between differentgoals, differentvalues, 1973) but also includes discrepancies values and norms, knowledgeand actions, technologyand values, and so forth (Smelser, 1962: chap. 3). Smelser,for example,indicatesthat â€Å"norm-oriented movements†(definedas attemptsto restore,protect,modify,or createnormsin the name of a generalizedbelief,† 1962:270) often springfrom the following kindsof strain: Sometimes the appearanceof new knowledge initiates a movement to apply this knowledge in order to eradicate a condition previously taken for granted. (1962: 287) CreatingDeviance Rules 159 can betweennormative and standards actualsocialconditions proAny disharmony videthe basisfor a movement whoseobjective is to modifynorms. 1962:289) it Davis (1975) used a strainmodel to explain changesin the collectivedefinition of deviance. Whileseeingdeviancedefinitions productsof powerstruggles as between groups with new rules representing values of those groups able to the win state endorsement their values, Davis suggeststhat â€Å"the diffusionof new of knowledgeis a majorcause of collective searchesfor new normsin the modern world†(1975:53). Although strain h as been a populartheoreticalapproachfor studyingsome social problems(e. g. race riots), few empiricalstudiesof deviancedesignation have followed from this tradition. PerhapsChamblisscame close in the study of the creation of new rules against vagrancy. In his words, â€Å"The vagrancy statutes emerged as a result of changes in other parts of the social structure† (1964:69). Specifically,the strain was the breakdownof the serf system; vagrancy laws were the responseof the rulingclass to protect their interestsand bring the system back to harmony. Zurcheret al. (1977) have also pointed to the crucial role of strainin the emergenceof antipornography crusades. In the communities amongstatus studied,they found that as a resultof inconsistencies variables,the traditionalmiddle class was experiencingthreatsto its life-style. were attemptsto the Consequently, effortsto gain new rulesagainstpornography bolster the legitimacyof their life-style. In other words, in the strain tradition of new definitionsof devianceare seen as responsesto the introduction various kindsof socialchangein society. Insteadof focusingon the causes of social problems,such as strain(objective traditionstressthat collective acconditions), scholarsin the social definitionist tions emergefrominteraction, processes. As Blumerstated: especiallyinterpretive â€Å"social problemslie in and are productsof a process of collective definition† (1971:301). Spector and Kitsuse (1977) pursuedthis theme with their argument that scholarsmust focus on the claims-making the process to understand emergenceof a social problemor definitionof deviance. This processtraditionhas spawneda varietyof empiricalstudies,often focusdefinitionsof deviance. The ing on the creationof criminaland health-related best known of these studies is Becker's (1963) analysisof the Marihuana Tax Act of 1937. Arguingthat there was no majorincreasein the actualuse of the drug, which would be the focus of a strain explanation,Becker attributesthe new rule to the activitiesof a â€Å"moralentrepreneur. † (For other interpretations, see Dickson, 1968; Galliherand Walker, 1977, 1978. ) Other studies have argued that juvenile courts were not created as a responseto increasesin delinquency,as the strainmodel would predict,but ratheras part of a moralcrusade of (Platt, 1969) or as the productof organizational conflictbetweensupporters the police and probationdepartments (Hagan and Leon, 1977). In two studies of sex offensedefinitions,Rose (1977) and Roby (1969) also emphasizeprocessualexplanations. Roby examinedchanges in the New York State penal law on prostitution and found that the relative power of numerous interest groups and individuals determined the final version of the act. Similarly, Rose related the rise of the â€Å"rape problem† to the ideology and organizations generated by the women's liberation movement. 160 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY of The status politics interpretation the temperancemovementby Gusfield in (1963, 1967) representsanotherone of the majorprocessualapproaches the literature. Basically,Gusfieldsuggeststhat the attemptsto have a behaviordesignated as deviantare often symbolicbattles†betweenopposedsystemsof moralities, culturesand stylesof life† (1963:173). In otherwords,it is not the behavior per se or social conditionswhich cause the attemptto label the behavioras deviant. Instead the designationof deviance must be seen as a productof status of for conflict,the competition the officialassignment honorand prestigethrough of legitimation groupnorms. The creationof new health-related of designations deviancehas been reviewed Conrad and Schneider(1980). These authorshave set forth a â€Å"sequential by of model† and â€Å"grounded on generalizations† the medicalization deviance. Following Spectorand Kitsuse,they emphasizethe import,and not the accuracy,of medicalclaims-making, view claims as strategicdevices, and view medicalization which reflectpolitics and demedicalization devianceas â€Å"cyclicalphenomena† of of the day. In the most recent processualanalysis,Schursuggeststhat deviancemust be seen as a politicalphenomenon. Arguingthat there are at least two sides in any stigmacontest, Schursuggeststhat what is really at stake in deviancedefinitions is the power of the respectivegroups. Since â€Å"power,of any sort, is more like a processthan an object† (1980:8), â€Å"deviancedefiningis not a static event but a continuousand changingprocess†(1980:66). In summary,the literaturereviewed above suggests two models for understandingthe collectivedefinitionof deviance. The process approacharguesthat collectivedefinitionsare the productof interestgroupdynamics. By contrastthe are is for, strainexplanation that societaldisjunctions responsible or at least play a majorrole in, the emergence new definitions. of BeyondDichotomousModels During the past decade, a numberof scholarshave attemptedto move beyond the raditionalstrainor processmodels. For example,Mauss (1975; Maussand of Wolfe, 1977) arguesthat new social problemsor new definitions devianceare best understoodas productsof social movementsled by interestgroups. In this view, social arrangements permit collective behaviorwhich usually focuses on structural strainsbroughtaboutby social change. Thoughmanys trainsare present in society, problem definitionis the product of interest groups organizing social movementswhich push for acceptanceof their definitionof reality. Resource mobilizationtheory is another attemptto move beyond the strain and process models. This framework begins with the assumptionthat society is composedof competinggroups (economic, status, racial,etc. ). Strainis always present,since thereis conflictamonggroupsover whichvalues,norms,economic and arrangements, so forth are to prevailin the society. Group conflictand the of social movementsare analyzedin terms of the abilityof the colemergence lectivities to create and mobilize resources (Oberschall, 1973). A dynamic element is introduced into the analysis: authorities as well as challengers possess resources; deployment by one side requires some kind of response (mobilization of additional resources) from the other side, lest the cause be defaulted. CreatingDeviance Rules 161 Marxistapproaches have also triedto move beyondstrainand processmodels. of Initially Marxist/conflict interpretations new rules defining deviance suggested that they were â€Å"firstand foremosta reflectionof the interestsof the governingclass† (Chambliss,1974:37). In this view â€Å"thestate and legal systemare seen as instruments which can be manipulated,almost at will, by the capitalist class† (Beirne, 1979:379), an approachillustratedby Platt's (1974) reinterpretation of the establishmentof the juvenile court as a conscious effort by SomeMarxcapitaliststo preserveexistingpoliticaland economicarrangements. ists have assigneda more ambiguous role to the state (Block, 1978), suggesting that it exercises a â€Å"relativeautonomy†in its relationship the capitalistclass to the enactmentof legislationis not alwaysin (Beirne, 1979:379). Consequently, the objectiveinterestsof the capitalistclass, â€Å"but each case must be examined from and empirically on its own merits†(Beirne, 1979:380). Whatis important, this position,is that all of this occurswithinthe boundaries providedby the prevailing structuralrelations. Lauderdaleand Inveraritycriticizedthe early conflict approachesfor inadequately examiningthe politicalprocessunderlyingthe creationof deviance. Arguingthat â€Å"devianceis socially definedand as such is and changedthroughpoliticalprocesses†(1980a:36), they created,maintained, ask underwhat conditionsa form of actioncomes to be definedas deviant(Lauderdale, 1980:v). Noting previousstudiesare characterized a â€Å"preoccupation by with subjectiveinterestsand lack of attentionto measuringobjectiveinterests† (1980b:229), they call for attentionto objectiveconditionsunderlyingthe deviance definitionprocess. These efforts are advancesover analyses which attributenew definitionsof devianceto social psychological processesor to the activitiesof individuals(moral entrepreneurs). Here, at least, an effortis made to locate the deviancewithin the larger social context. However, several issues remainunresolved. First, although recent effortshave attemptedto find a role for objectiveconditions,the remainsunclear. At role of strainin the generation new deviancedesignations of one group of scholars,the social definitionists, suggestobjectivecondipresent tions are largely irrelevant,while others (especially Lauderdaleand Inverarity, to 1980b) are callingfor moreattention objectivefactors. A second majorunresolvedproblemis that none of the collectivedefinitionof deviance approachesexplains why specific behaviorsare selected for deviance silent on this issue. Finally, In categorization. fact, the literatureis remarkably the approachesdiscussedabove do not yet explainwhy some deviancecreation effortsare unsuccessful. is in this contextthat we believe that resourcemobiliIt zation theory could prove valuable in the study of rule creationand deviance designation. Not only does it point toward relevantvariablesfor study, it also to providesan empiricalframework assess previousmovementsand predictthe successor failureof ongoingmovements. Any model or theory of deviance creation must addressthese issues. More into a more genspecifically,a way must be found to subsumethese differences eral model rendering theoreticalissues amenableto empiricalevaluation. Toward a Sociology of Knowledge Given its theoretical import, it seems to us that there have been inexplicably few 162 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY studiesof rule creation. Marxists,subsuming issue withinthe superstructure, the have focusedon the creationof laws whichmaintainruling-class privilege. Strain scholarstreat new rules as responsesto changedsocial conditions(new knowledge, Davis, 1975). Only process scholars have directly addressedthe issue, viewing collective definitionsof devianceas â€Å"emergent productsof an interpretive process† (Hawkins and Tiedman, 1975:340), but studies in this tradition have not produceda rigoroustheoreticalexplanation. Instead, isolated studies have been characterized descriptiveand idiosyncratic detail withoutconnecby or tion to socialstructure generalsocialprocesses. In theirstudyof the medicalization deviance,Conradand Schneider(1980) of a solutionto the interactionist the pose impasse. Although labeling-interactionist of perspectivepresentsus with the questionsto ask concerningthe development deviancedesignations,† they note (1980:20), â€Å"it is a sociologyof knowledgeapproachthat is necessaryto answerthem. â€Å"We thinkof the sociologyof knowledge knowlas a study of the materialbasis of social ideas, categories,designations, and so forth. From this frameworkthe dependentvariablechanges: no edge, longer do we studyth e deviantactor;ratherwe attemptto locate historicallythe origins and the social forces which supportedand opposed the definitionof the deviant category. As Friedsonhas stated, the analysisshouldnot focus on â€Å"the etiology of some state so much as the etiology of the meaningof a state. Thus it asks questionslike: How does a state come to be considereddeviant? How does it come to be considered kindof devianceratherthan another? † one (1970: 215-16). deviant To developtheirknowledgeapproach, Conradand Schneider interpret behaviorsas social constructionsof reality. Adopting Berger and Luckmann's as (1966) scheme,they view realityconstruction a social processof threestages: The processbegins with the and internalization. xternalization, objectification, of construction a culturalproductor definition a personor collectionof perby becomespartof the generallyacceptedbody sons, continuesas the new definition of knowledge,and concludesas the individualsin publictake the new definition for grantedas partof theirworldview. We applaudConradand Schneider's explicit sociologyof knowledgeand find their social constructionist approachinsig htful. Their analysisof the historical contribution a dimensionsof the medicalization deviancerepresents significant of in by placingdeviancedesignations the broadersocial context. At the sametime, we are uncomfortable with the apparentabsenceof a theoreticalmodel pointing to a more explicit method of data analysis. History is all aroundus; we need the guidanceto separate datafromthe noise. between In his Ideology and Utopia (1936), Karl Mannheimdistinguishes two types of sociologyof knowledge:†on the one hand a theoryand on the other hand an historical-sociological methodof research†(p. 266). As a theorywith the sociology of knowledgehas been pursuedvigepistemologicalimplications, orously. Its methodologicalimplicationshave, however, remainedunderdevelhimselflargelyignoredthe methodological aspectsof knowledge oped. Mannheim theory, though he did write that â€Å"the most important task of the sociology of knowledge at present is to demonstrate its capacity in actual research in the historical-sociological realm† (p. 306). The methodological implications of Mannheim's work have been pursued most CreatingDeviance Rules 163 rigorouslyby David Bloor in his 1976 book Knowledgeand Social Imagery. Bloor contendsthat our concernshouldbe phenomenological; method,howour scientific. Thesociologistis concernedwith knowlever, ought to be rigorously edge,† he writes, â€Å"purelyas a naturalphenomenon†¦ instead of definingit as true or false belief, knowledgefor the sociologist is whatevermen take to be knowledge†(p. 2). Given that knowledgeis relativeand historicallyunstable, Bloor's task is to elucidatethe materialbasis of its variation. To accomplishthis in task, he proposesa methodwhich he calls the â€Å"strong program† the sociology of knowledge,to wit, that our analysisought to be causal, impartial,and symmetrical. While sociologists would not want to argue that social factors are the sole cause of belief, they should focus on how social conditionsproduceand reflect belief. In demandingan approachwhich is â€Å"impartial with respectto truthand success or failure†(p. 5), Bloor is not advofalsity, rationalityor irrationality, catinga value neutralposition. The task is not to crownwinnersor punishlosers but to understandboth sides. In that sense, Bloor's sociology is agnostic. Ultito even irrelevant, mate truth,in any sense of the phrase,is seen as peripheral, the analysis. Finally the strong programdemandsa symmetrical analysis. Too often scholarshave attempted analyzedeviantand normalbeliefs from differto ent stances, the former needing special explanation,while the latter–seen as logical, rational,or truthful-are seen to need no specialexplanation. We are interestedin using the sociology of knowledgeas a methodological to guide, as a way of using historicalmaterials build rigorousmodels. In a sense, then, we use Mannheimand Bloor to build a theoreticalmethod for empirical methods,especiallyas it appliesto socialhistory, study. The notion of theoretical has been developedby Stinchcombe(1978; see also Graff, 1980). Good social theory, he asserts,must be groundedin historicaldata. â€Å"Peopledo much better the theory,†he argues,†wheninterpreting historicalsequencethanthey do when they set out to do ‘theory'† (p. 17) and â€Å"thatthe centraloperationfor building theories of history is seeking causally significantanalogiesbetween instances† of Thuswe aremost interested the methodological in implications the sociology of knowledge:as a way of pointingtowardvariables,as a way of using history, as a way-in short-of structuring analysis. Suchan analyticstrategy,as a macroand rigorousversionof groundedtheory,ought to allow us to relateprescopic vious theoriesof devianceand our data in an iterativesort of way and, thus, to build and evaluatea model of how deviantcategoriesare designated. A DialecticalModelof DevianceDesignation In attemptingto addressthe theoreticaland methodologicalissues raised, we propose a dialecticalmodel of deviance designation. The model, presentedin to however,it attempts transcend Figure1, is influenced resourcemobilization; by arany single theory. We begin with the assumptionthat within the structural is composedof a numberof generalinterestsin varying rangements, everysociety degreesof conflict. Such groupsmay be of varyingnature:with inclusiveor exin clusive membership, broad or narrowfocus. Their concernwith the definition (p. 7). Figure 1. A DialecticalModel of DevianceDefiniti General vested & other interests Definition i – +- Strain General vested & other interests S/ Specific interests CreatingDeviance Rules 165 question,however,is either peripheral,quiescent,or not effectivein the public arena. The initial or prevailingdefinitionof a behavioras acceptableor unacceptable representsthe outcome of previousspecific interestgroup conflict;in other words, the balanceof the resourcesthe two sides were able to mobilize. or This balance or accommodation becomes vulnerablewith the introduction increase of strain. This developmentprovides existing general interest groups with a new resourceand opportunity claims-making. for Specificinterestgroups towardthe specific (includingthe state) form,or mobilize,or becomeredirected issue in question. Faced with a challenge to their interests,groups benefiting from the prevailingdefinitionrespondby marshaling their own resources. The battle of these groups to maintainor change a rule is joined, the outcome dependingon the balance of the mobilizedresources. To speak of the â€Å"balanceof mobilized resources†should not be seen as merely suggestinga simplisticaccountingbalance. Of coursethe matteris muchmore complex. For example,the efficientemployment resources–usingresourcesin an arenawherethey have of maximal impact-may be just as importantas quantity. The net result is that over a periodof time, at time2,the originaldefinitionsurvivesor a new designation takesits place. for In explicatingthe model, we make the following arguments its utility in collectivedefinition deviance: of examining issues raisedin the 1. The model addressesor handlesmanyof the theoretical literature. For example, existing sociological explanations assign central importance to, or ignore, the role of strain. The dialectical model directs the scholar'sattentionto the role of strainbut does not preclude,in fact demands, examinationof other social processes. In addition,by viewing the state as an interestedparty, albeit a group with unique resources,it is possibleto examine official actions without assumingthe existence of an all powerfulmonolithical the definitional outcomes. Furthermore, modelpermitsanalysis entitydetermining and explanationof outcomeswhereneitherside achievestotal victory. in 2. The dialecticalmodel is consistentwith the â€Å"strong program† the sociology of knowledge. As Bloor (1976) has requested,this modelis causal,impartial, and symmetrical. Figure 1 is time ordered;that is, variablesappearin causal sequence with one another. Moreoverthese sequences are made explicit, thus data analysis. The model thus allowsfor attemptsat statisticalmodelfacilitating of processvariablesby techniquesdevelopedfrom social factisttraditions. ing The model treats deviance rule creationsas naturalphenomena. Whethera rule is good or bad is irrelevant our analysis. RecallingGusfield'sstudyof the to temperancemovement,the validityof analysiswas independentof truthclaims about alcohol. Whetherthe drug is actuallyan aphrodisiac,a depressant,or a tool of the devil was essentiallyirrelevantto his conclusions. Taking such an it agnosticpositionhas methodological implications: allowsfor the formalmodelvariables. Moreover,Bloor'slast dictum-that analysis ing of phenomenological be symmetrical–hasobvious implicationsfor the dialecticalmodel. Note that interestsfor or againstany definitionare handledin the same way, and have the same causal input into the model. 166 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY 3. The model is dialectical. The theoryis timelessand has no end stage. Figure 1 shows only one referenceframe. But upon acceptanceof â€Å"Definition2,† general vested or other interestsare alreadyin place, advocatingfor or againsta new definition. Though the theory is sequential,in the sense that it goes forwardin remainuntime, the units of time are not specified. Some deviancedesignations for long periods of time, others move more rapidlythroughstages of changed and vindication. Conradand Schneider,thinkingalong the same stigmatization of and demedicalization deviance the lines, have conceptualized medicalization as â€Å"cyclical†(1980:271). We preferto use the termdialectical,in that it leaves ratherthan suggestinga rethe directionof the next redefinition problematic as turnto an originalpoint. nor4. Deviance and normalcyare not distinctcategories. We conceptualize coordinatesystem. As a prescribed as a point in a multidimensional guide malcy for conduct, a rule designatesthe limits of space aroundthe point in which a behavioris seen as deviant. behavioris viewed as normal. Outsidethis boundary, Now we can justify using the terms â€Å"rulecreation†and â€Å"deviancedesignation† more or less synonymously. The formerrefersto the boundaryitself, whichmay be thick or fuzzy; the latter refers to the space outside the boundary. Any behavioralboundary,in our view, is subject to cultural,temporal,or situational between factorswhich continuously defineit, or redefineit. Thus is the boundary deviancy and normalcycontinuouslydrawnand redrawn,and a behavioralresituation,but ratherby definitionoccursnot by quantumleaps, as an â€Å"either-or† or pulled througha system of space. In the dialecticalmodel the being pushed as pushesor pulls aremanifested strainor process. and analyticintentions 5. The model is macroscopic. Our conceptualization the collectivelevel. We do not directlyconsider,for example,the are clearly at motivationsof an individualactor or leader. For two reasonswe down-playthe importof, or perhapseven ignore,such questionsas: Did leaderX makedecision or Y sincerelyor cynically? Is he or she a moralentrepreneur a typical (but not concernedsuburbanite? First,we doubt,in social factistlanguage, authoritarian) that such variablesexplainvery much variancein deviancedesignation. The individual,qua individual,role in collective, historicprocessesis always limited. To Our second reasonis methodological: the extentthat psychologicalvariables are important,how are they to be measuredor assessed? For historicalstudies, motivationseems particularly Secondarysources,as well as various problematic. kinds of documents,seem suspecthere. Even in contemporary settings,people's of their own or others'motivationsare not trustworthy, especiallygiven reports or the vested or strategicinterestswhich can be served by lying, exaggerating, selectivelyforgetting. Rather,we focus on such variablesas strainand resources over time. and which can be operationalized measuredcomparably 6. The dialecticalmodel uses history. The model invites, perhapseven demands, a given rule to be placed in historical context. Moreover the data needed to test the model are historical, preferably in time series, data. The model is shaped by these data and is thus grounded and inductive as Conrad and Schnei- CreatingDeviance Rules 167 der (1980:265) have suggested. In that sense the dialecticalmodel is meant to evaluate,as much as formallytest, historicalsequencesof data. 7. The model is conflictoriented,though not necessarilyMarxist. Many deviance designations,particularlythose formalizedas laws, are amenableto a Marxist analysis consistentwith the model. Large sums of money or other resources are often used by ruling elites for maintenanceof deviance definitions do or, less often, change. However,some deviancedefinitions not seem to fit the Marxistmodel (see Markle and Troyer, 1979, or Hagan and Leon, 1977, for two such case studies). In the dialecticalmodel, vested or other interests(religious, ethnic, sex, status,etc. ) can militatefor, and indeedbe successfulat, creat(uneming new definitionsof deviance. Similarlystrainmightbe substructural strain ployment,new technology,etc. ), but the model allows for superstructural (e. g. , new knowledge). Using the DialecticalModel As an inductivetheory,the true test of the dialecticalmodel is its utility. Let us and suggesta few ways, then, how the model mightbe operationalized used. We in begin with the concept of strain,which can be operationalized severalways. In our own researchon cigarettesmoking(Markleand Troyer,1979) and estrolegen replacements(McCrea and Markle, 1980), strainwas the appearance, or dissemination new knowledge; strainin our researchon Laetrile of gitimation, (Markle and Petersen, 1980) was, among other factors, an increasedconcern over cancer. As new health-related knowledgeclaims, strain can be measured with variousbibliometric techniques. A simple content analysisof relevantarticles, over a period of years, from Index Medicus can be used to chart such knowledgeclaims. The perceivedlegitimacyof such claims can be assessedby the professionalprestige of the author or journal. Finally, the entry of such knowledgeclaims into the public arena can be measuredusing the New York Times Index, which Jenkins and Perrow (1977) found highly effective,or by one of severalnewspaperdata banks (e. g. , Newsbank)now in existence. After looking at strain,it is easy enoughto identifyspecificinterestsinvolved in redefinition. Such organizations groups will have appearedas recipients, or sponsors,aggrievedparties,etc. , in news accountsor scholarlycitation. The resources of these groups can be measuredin severalways. The Encyclopediaof Associations, updated almost yearly, lists purportedmembershipsand other for simple demographics manysuchgroups. Moreover,most interestgroupshave which are usuallyeasy to obtain, often at literatureor even regularpublications no cost. When interests are corporate,much informationon resourcescan be gleaned from annual reports or, with somewhatmore effort, from regulatory In agenciessuch as the Securitiesand ExchangeCommission. ase studieswhere is an interestedparty, vast amounts of official statistics may be government available (see, e. g. , Markle and Troyer, 1979). Moreover,the researchercan use the Freedomof Information Act to obtain a deep windowinto government actions and resourcesin variousdeviancedesignations. Throughpublic records and other availabledata, every conce pt in the dialecticalmodel can be operationalized. Indeed,to measureresourcesin comparable ways, we have suggested of the development a researchprotocol (Markleand Petersen,1981). 168 THE SOCIOLOGICALQUARTERLY A Final Word iancearecreated changed, beenneglected socialtheory research. and or in has We believethat neglectcomes from theoretical The misdirection. dialectical thesedifficulties. to model,whichis knowledge based,is ourattempt ameliorate Becauseit attempts integrate traditional the theoryinvites to two approaches, both philosophical- empirical-based and criticisms. Thoughwe welcomethe we The in interested thelatter. realtestof thedialectical former, areparticularly modelis whether works. it Andwhether not it workscan onlybe judged or by it holdingit up to the lightof, and adjudicating with,historicaland contemporary A crucialelementof social change and conflict,why and how definitionsof de- research. REFERENCES Barnes, Barry. 1974. ScientificKnowledgeand SociologicalTheory. London: Routledgeand Kegan Paul. 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Ionic Compound Properties, Explained

Ionic Compound Properties, Explained An ionic bond is formed when there is a large electronegativity difference between the elements participating in the bond. The greater the difference, the stronger the attraction between the positive ion (cation) and negative ion (anion). Properties Shared by Ionic Compounds The properties of ionic compounds relate to how strongly the positive and negative ions attract each other in an  ionic bond. Iconic compounds also exhibit the following properties: They form crystals.Ionic compounds form crystal lattices rather than amorphous solids. Although molecular compounds form crystals, they frequently take other forms plus molecular crystals typically are softer than ionic crystals.  At an atomic level, an ionic crystal is a regular structure, with the cation and anion alternating with each other and forming a three-dimensional structure based largely on the smaller ion evenly filling in the gaps between the larger ion.They have high melting points and high boiling points.High temperatures are required to overcome the attraction between the positive and negative ions in ionic compounds. Therefore, a lot of energy is required to melt ionic compounds or cause them to boil.They have higher enthalpies of fusion and vaporization than molecular compounds.Just as ionic compounds have high melting and boiling points, they usually have enthalpies of fusion and vaporization that can be 10 to 100 times higher than those of most molecular compoun ds. The enthalpy of fusion is the heat required melt a single mole of a solid under constant pressure. The enthalpy of vaporization is the heat required for vaporize one mole of a liquid compound under constant pressure. Theyre hard and brittle.Ionic crystals are hard because the positive and negative ions are strongly attracted to each other and difficult to separate, however, when pressure is applied to an ionic crystal then ions of like charge may be forced closer to each other. The electrostatic repulsion can be enough to split the crystal, which is why ionic solids also are brittle.They conduct electricity when they are dissolved in water.When ionic compounds are dissolved in water the dissociated ions are free to conduct electric charge through the solution. Molten ionic compounds (molten salts) also conduct electricity.Theyre good insulators.Although they conduct in molten form or in aqueous solution, ionic solids do not conduct electricity very well because the ions are bound so tightly to each other. A Common Household Example   A familiar example of an ionic compound is table salt or sodium chloride. Salt has a high melting point of  800 ºC. While a salt crystal is an electric insulator, saline solutions (salt dissolved in water) readily conduct electricity. Molten salt is also a conductor. If you examine salt crystals with a magnifying glass, you can observe the regular cubic structure resulting from the crystal lattice. Salt crystals are hard, yet brittle its easy to crush a crystal. Although dissolved salt has a recognizable flavor, you dont smell solid salt because it has a low vapor pressure.

The First Historical Hobby and Home Computers

The First Historical Hobby and Home Computers The first Apple was just a culmination of my whole life. Steve Wozniak, co-founder of Apple Computers In 1975, Steve Wozniak was working for Hewlett Packard, the calculator manufacturers, by day and playing computer hobbyist by night, tinkering with the early computer kits like the Altair. All the little computer kits that were being touted to hobbyists in 1975 were square or rectangular boxes with non-understandable switches on them,† Wozniak said. He realized that the prices of some computer parts like microprocessors  and memory chips  had dropped so low that he could buy them with maybe a months salary. Wozniak decided that he and fellow hobbyist Steve Jobs could afford to  build their own home computer. The Apple I Computer Wozniak and Jobs released the Apple I computer on April Fools’ Day 1976. The Apple I was the first single circuit board home computer. It came with a video interface, 8k of RAM and a keyboard. The system incorporated some economical components like dynamic RAM and the  6502 processor, which was designed by Rockwell, produced by MOS Technologies and cost only about $25 dollars at the time.   The pair showed the prototype Apple I at a meeting of the Homebrew Computer Club,  a local computer hobbyist group based in Palo Alto, California. It was mounted on plywood with all the components visible. A local computer dealer, the Byte Shop, ordered 100 units if Wozniak and Jobs would agree to assemble the kits for their customers. About 200 Apple Is were built and sold over a 10-month period for the superstitious price of $666.66. The Apple II Computer Apple Computers was incorporated in 1977 and the Apple II computer model was released that year. When the  first West Coast Computer Faire was held in San Francisco, attendees saw the public debut of the Apple II, available for $1,298. The Apple II was also based on the 6502 processor, but it had color graphicsa first for a personal computer. It used an audio cassette drive for storage. Its original configuration came with 4 kb of RAM, but this was increased to 48 kb a year later and the cassette drive was replaced with a floppy disk drive. The Commodore PET The Commodore PET–a personal electronic transactor or, as rumor has it, named after the pet rock fad–was designed by Chuck Peddle. It was first presented at the Winter Consumer Electronics Show in January 1977, and later at the West Coast Computer Faire. The Pet Computer also ran on the 6502 chip, but it cost only $795half the price of the Apple II. It included 4 kb of RAM, monochrome graphics and an audio cassette drive for data storage. Included was a version of BASIC in 14k of ROM. Microsoft developed its first 6502-based BASIC for the PET and sold the source code to Apple for Apple BASIC. The keyboard, cassette drive and small monochrome display all fit within the same self-contained unit. Jobs and Wozniak showed the Apple I prototype to Commodore and Commodore agreed to buy Apple at one point in time, but  Steve Jobs ultimately decided not to sell. Commodore bought MOS Technology instead and designed the PET. The Commodore PET was Apple’s chief rival at the time.   The TRS-80 Microcomputer Radio Shack introduced its TRS-80 microcomputer, also nicknamed the Trash-80,† in 1977. It was based on the Zilog Z80 processor, an 8-bit microprocessor whose instruction set is a superset of the Intel 8080. It came with 4 kb of RAM and 4 kb of ROM with BASIC. An optional expansion box enabled memory expansion and audio cassettes were used for data storage, similar to the PET and the first Apples. Over 10,000 TRS-80s were sold during the first month of production. The later TRS-80 Model II came complete with a disk drive for program and data storage. Only Apple and Radio Shack had machines with disk drives  at that time. With the introduction of the disk drive, applications for the personal home computer proliferated as the distribution of software became easier.

Distribution Channel Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4000 words

Distribution Channel - Case Study Example Both of the afore mentioned examples suit various different class of companies / firms and this element of the Distribution Channel could be decided by distinguishing the class, price range, quality, company's capacity, etc. That is, the Distribution Channel is closely related to the Place, Price as well as the Product differentiation elements of the Marketing Mix. (Rolnicki) Direct Selling concept: This element of the distribution channel generally refers to the door to door selling concept. Although, new authors have also included Telephone sales, e-mail sales, direct mail sales, and online (e - commerce) sales within this concept. Via Agents: Agents acts as middle - men between the company and either end user or wholesaler. That is, they purchase goods from producers (manufacturers) and sell them to interested sellers (sometimes within specific geographical boundaries, as a company may appoint many agents, but according to ethical principles, it is always in the best interest of everybody to clearly distinguish and identify the geographic regions for each) with prior (usually written) consent from the company. Retailer: Within this normally 3 concepts are involved: The first being, a manufacturer directly sells his good to retailers, this is usually in case if the production capacity of the Manufacturer is medium to lower levels. Second concept here could be self-retail prospects, through which a manufacturer could sell his goods at his self owned retail store / s. Another concept which has been added by the author of this report is, retailing through previously recognised and somewhat legendary retail franchisees such as our Case Study of TOPSHOP. Allotment of regional Distributors: Through the means of this concept a company may depute various distributors on a regional basis, this is quite similar to the agent concept; but is used where a much larger geographical coverage is required (minimum at State level / National Level), and has normally been seen effective where the manufacturer has a huge brand name. Whole selling: A company may also opt to choose wholesalers to market their

Titanic Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Titanic - Essay Example According tot the paper the incident was one of the worst tragedies ever occurred. The screenplay and the taking were spectacular and realistic throughout the movie. The first half was mere introduction of the ship and about two lovers .The sets are designed to a phenomenal precision that the author and the art director brought the realistic view of the features of the ship. The costumes, jewellery designed were awesome. As the reporter says the true love can live forever. He describes the ship, the people, the main caracters. It was a huge and luxurious ship. The First-class section had an on-board swimming pool, a gymnasium, a squash court, Turkish bath, Electric bath and a Verandah cafà ©. First-class common rooms were decorated with wood; they also had expensive furniture in them. There were libraries and barber shops in both the first and second-class. The third class general room had pine panelling and sturdy teak furniture. As the paper says the ship sinking scenes are hearts touching. The moment when Rose opens her eyes after a tiring sleep finds nothing but the floating remains. Jack in saving her love sacrifices his physical presence. Rose is rescued by crew members who vacate one small boat and returns back to save passengers who were alive till that time in the extreme climate. In the report one's can find out the actors' staff. The back ground music fine tunes with the scenes and the awesome humming makes you Feel spellbound. Leonardo & Kate were at their best in acting.